Performing patriotism : rituals and moral authority in a Jordanian high school

Abstract

Upon first entering the al-Khatwa Secondary School for Girls in Bawadi al- Naseem, in 2005, seemingly unambiguous national symbols met my eye. The halls were decorated with pictures of King Abdullah II, his father the late King Hussein, and at times his great-grandfather King Abdullah I. Pictures of King Hussein who ruled for over 45 years before his death in 1999 were just as numerous as those of the current King. In the photos, the royal attire varied from Western business suits, to military attire, to more “traditional” dress, namely the male head cover – the hatta and the ‘aqāl – each form of dress conveying a particular image of leadership. The photos of the two kings – father and son – were often hung together, conveying an image of continuity between the two. Also prominent throughout the school were signs and symbols of King Abdullah’s “Jordan First” campaign, a campaign launched in 2002 whose stated intention was to put Jordan’s priorities first in a time of escalating regional crises (Greenwood, 2003a, 2003b; Jordan First National Commission, 2002; Ryan, 2004). The deployment of such national symbols is particularly strong in schools as they are considered crucial sites for inculcating national loyalties. Yet, the symbols are not without ambiguity, as the terms of Jordanian national identity continue to be contested, a reality that leads to persistent efforts, through rituals and performances in schools, to solidify, constitute and at times reconstitute what it means to be Jordanian. Paradoxically, however, these efforts can serve to challenge the dominant national narrative of legitimacy. Specifically, the regular and very public participation of young women in patriotic performances that I observed in the course of my research served to highlight competing moral projects and to challenge a narrative of régime legitimacy which rests on both its ability to deliver on the promises of modernity and on its political and moral authority. Women have been at the center of the Jordanian régime’s public discourse about development, with very public displays of what the “modern” Jordanian woman could or should be. Among them the venues are official speeches and platforms, TV public service announcements, high-profile workshops sponsored by international development organizations and the almost daily media coverage of the very public activities of women in the royal family. All are meant to educate the Jordanian public about forms of citizenship, participation in the nation’s development, and the particular role women should play in these processes. Yet, the role that women should have in Jordan today is one that continues to be a source of much debate and official policies vis-à-vis women have been inconsistent (Amawi, 2000; Brand, 1998). In many respects, debates about women in Jordan continue to be central to debates about what is Islamic, authentic and legitimate, as they have throughout the region (Abu-Lughod, 1998; Ahmed, 1992; Kandiyoti, 1991). Yet, their “uplift” has been consistently underlined as central to progress or development.3 The intersection of these two discourses, as well as the constraints – material and ideological – that limit their actualization, present strong contradictions for many young women and fuel struggles surrounding moral legitimacy and authority in Jordan today. This chapter examines state efforts to teach young women in a Jordanian school about national identity through daily school rituals and extracurricular activities. First, I look at the daily school assembly in which young people participated each day. This assembly was rife with the national symbols upon which the régime has built its legitimacy (Arab Nationalism, Islam, and loyalty to the King) for decades. From the start, the Hashemites were tasked with establishing a state and creating a national identity where none had existed, and establishing themselves as the legitimate rulers of this state and nation. This process has not gone unchallenged. One powerful force that the régime has had to contend with in the past 25 years has been the prominence of Islamist movements and the growth in religious sentiment among the population, which challenge the régime’s attempts to shape religious discourse and define the terms of Jordanian national identity. The other major challenge in the construction of a distinctly Jordanian national identity has been the large influx of Palestinian refugees in 1948 and 1967. Today Jordanian citizens of Palestinian origin make up a majority of Jordan’s population (Brand, 1995; Massad, 2001). Second, I discuss student participation in musical performances at patriotic events, showing how such events highlight tensions in the relationship between patriotism and morality, potentially challenging the régime’s legitimacy as moral guide. Through these ethnographic examples, I demonstrate that despite efforts to solidify a state ideology that serves to reinforce the legitimacy of the régime in schools, the patriotic rituals performed by students may indeed serve to rupture rather than embolden the symbolic content they are intended to convey. This article draws on ethnographic research conducted in Jordan over a period of 13 months in 2002 and 2005 in Bawadi al-Naseem, a city in northern Jordan. My research consisted of interviews, classroom observation and observation of daily interactions in the schoolyard, teachers’ room, principal’s office, and other spaces within and around the school. During this time I also attended numerous patriotic celebrations held in the school and events at government venues throughout the city arranged by and for students and education officials.