The sensibility of Basque nationalism

Abstract

Basque nationalism is still one of the main concerns in the international political scene these days. The objective of most Basque nationalists is to achieve an independent state called Euskadi. The objective of this work is to show whether Basque nationalism is actually in crisis. As history has shown us, there are several factors pointing in this direction. In this case, the hypothesis rests on two crucial factors, or rather the lack of them. The first one is the role of the enemy, which provides nationalism with a raison d' etre. The second factor involves the importance of a charismatic leader with the power to maintain a common front. Furthermore, we have to account for the contemporary situation, where phenomena such as globalisation and concepts such as Supranationalism are taking over. Let us now move on to have a brief look at how this study has been set up. The Introduction gives an idea of the characteristics of Basques before the rise of nationalism at the end of the nineteenth century: their identity, their sense of uniqueness, their privileges and so forth. All the subsequent chapters, excluding the first one, are arranged chronologically. In order to understand it better, Basque nationalism has been put into the context of the doctrine itself. Therefore, chapter one covers the meaning, origin, and development of the concept of nationalism. The second part of the same chapter tackles the role of charismatic leaders and the enemy in nationalism. Finally, the third part will be dedicated to the 'recent' concepts of Supranationalism and Globalisation. The second chapter deals with the origin of Basque nationalism in the 1870s. At this point, one has to point out the two strong elements for the inception of Basque nationalism: the charismatic leader, Sabino Arana, and the enemy, the Spanish government. By the turn of the century, this charismatic leader passed away. Therefore, we are left with an enemy that continued to justify the existence of Basque nationalism. The party Arana had founded, (PNV), eventually conducted this nationalism. This enemy not only continued to exist, but became even more hostile to Basque nationalism, culminating with the authoritarian regime of Gen. Francisco Franco. In chapter three, we see that by 1960, the suppression of Franco's regime gave birth to another faction of Basque nationalism. This splinter group, called ETA, was founded on two main principles: Marxism and armed struggle. The enemy had indirectly created ETA, which contained ingredients that would eventually weaken Basque Nationalism. Chapter four focuses on the collapse of the Spanish dictatorship in 1975 and the transition that followed suit. This meant that there was no clear-cut enemy, besides the fact that there was still no charismatic leader, who united the Basques. At this point, we are faced with two factions in the Basque nationalism: the ones who accepted to work along democratic lines, mainly characterised by PNV, and those who rejected the system, characterised by ETA. The constitution of 1978 provided the Basques with an autonomy status coupled with special powers. A big percentage of the Basque society accepted this, and ETA lost much of its support. Chapter five takes a look at the conditions of Basque nationalism today: the Lizarra Agreement, the cease-fire and the end of it, and the alleged secret agreement between PNV and ETA. Nonetheless, ETA continues its bloody campaign to achieve independence. The Spanish government, to concede more autonomy powers to the Basques, requires an assurance of an indefinite truce by ET A. Yet, ET A' s raison d' etre is based on violence, and the thought of an unconditional ceasefire would be its end. From this point of view, the situation is at a complete deadlock. Considering this situation and considering new developments in the international arena, one questions the sensibility of the present Basque nationalism.